Monday, February 28, 2022

Campaign Finance I

For Wednesday, read Schatzinger and the Vogel-Goldmacher article that I emailed you this morning.


 


Federal spending in 2020 cycle: $14.4 billion

How it works (DCCC at 14:00)

Milestones
  • FECA 1971 and 1974
  • Buckley v. Valeo and the part of the decision that allowed for Bloomberg (Hershey 274):
    • 2. Limitation on Expenditures by Candidates from Personal or Family Resources. The Act also sets limits on expenditures by a candidate "from his personal funds, or the personal funds of his immediate family, in connection with his campaigns during any calendar year." ...  The primary governmental interest served by the Act -- the prevention of actual and apparent corruption of the political process -- does not support the limitation on the candidate's expenditure of his own personal funds. As the Court of Appeals concluded:" Manifestly, the core problem of avoiding undisclosed and undue influence on candidates from outside interests has lesser application when the monies involved come from the candidate himself or from his immediate family."171 U.S.App.D.C. at 206, 519 F.2d at 855. Indeed, the use of personal funds reduces the candidate's dependence on outside contributions, and thereby counteracts the coercive pressures and attendant risks of abuse to which the Act's contribution limitations are directed. [Footnote 59] The ancillary interest in equalizing the relative financial resources of candidates competing for elective office, therefore, provides the sole relevant rationale for § 608(a)'s expenditure ceiling. That interest is clearly not sufficient to justify the provision's infringement of fundamental First Amendment rights. First, the limitation may fail to promote financial equality among candidates. A candidate who spends less of his personal resources on his campaign may nonetheless outspend his rival as a result of more successful fundraising efforts. Indeed, a candidate's personal wealth may impede his efforts to persuade others that he needs their financial contributions or volunteer efforts to conduct an effective campaign. Second, and more fundamentally, the First Amendment simply cannot tolerate § 608(a)'s restriction upon the freedom of a candidate to speak without legislative limit on behalf of his own candidacy. We therefore hold that § 608(a)'s restriction on a candidate's personal expenditures is unconstitutional.
  • "Magic Words," Footnote 52 and Soft Money (Hershey 275-276)
  • Colorado I and II:  party coordinated and independent expenditures
  • BCRA and McConnell v. FEC: "We are under no illusion that BCRA will be the last congressional statement on the matter. Money, like water, will always find an outlet."
  • Bundling -- at the state level
  • Citizens United and SpeechNow  -- also big impact on state and local elections 
  • McCutcheon v. FEC and "victory committees," joint fundraising committees (or JFCs)


Trump got nearly $5 billion in free media:

FEC limits and special party rules

Outside spending: an overview

Following the Money

Sunday, February 27, 2022

Second Assignment, Spring 2022

 Pick one:

Essays should reflect an understanding of class readings and discussions. Many resources, including CQ Weekly and Politics in America are at Honnold Library/Databases/CQ Library. You should check other sources as well. See:
The specifications:
  • Essays should be typed (12-point), double-spaced, and no more than four pages long. I will not read past the fourth page. Please submit papers as Word documents, not pdfs.
  • Cite your sources. Please use endnotes in the format of Chicago Manual of Style. Endnotes do not count against the page limit. Please do not use footnotes, which take up too much page space. If you have proper endnotes, you do not need to include a bibliography. 
  • Watch your spelling, grammar, diction, and punctuation. Errors will count against you. Return essays to the Sakai dropbox for this class by 11:59 PM, Friday, March 11. Papers will drop one gradepoint for one day’s lateness, a full letter grade after that.

Wednesday, February 23, 2022

Party Organization II

For Monday, read Hershey, ch. 12: Wed. readings will be on Sakai.

Questions on the assignment?

National Committees


DNC and RNC

Hill Committees

DCCC and NRCC
DSCC and NRSC

1990: NRCC v. RNC

The 527 Groups 


Incentives for Activism
  • Material: traditional party organization
  • Solidary: social connections
  • Purposive:  issues and ideologies
Voter turnout and duty


Voter demographics  


Young adults

Prags v. Purists:  Polarization means activism



At the same time, their priorities have begun to shift. Dr. Burge pointed to an analysis of the 2016 Cooperative Congressional Election Study he’d conducted, in which white evangelicals ranked political issues by importance. Same-sex marriage — once a point of bitter contention between white evangelicals and some of their moderate Republican allies — came in last, after jobs, crime, gun control and a variety of other matters. Abortion, too, came in surprisingly low on white evangelicals’ ranking of priorities — underneath, for example, immigration. According to Mr. Smith, Pew found this year that “81 percent of white evangelical Protestants said that the economy would be a very important issue in making their decision about who to vote for in the 2020 presidential election, while 61 percent said the same about abortion.” In 2016, he added, a similar finding also held.

“I think what happened was, over time, white evangelical orthodoxy on politics sort of just melded into Republican orthodoxy, and there’s no difference anymore,” Dr. Burge told me. “We used to always believe that religion was the first cause and then politics was downstream of religion,” but newer studies suggest that “those two lenses have switched places now and that partisanship is the first cause and now religion is downstream of partisanship.”

Wednesday, February 16, 2022

Parties to the Present

For Monday:  Hershey, ch. 3, 4.

Recap:  things are about to end the four-party system.

Party organizations as service providers: more next week.

DLC (275) and Clintonism 




DLC fades with the disappearance of conservative Southern Democrats. Democratic share of Southern (CQ def) House seats

87th Congress (1961-62).....93.4%
103d Congress (1993-94)....61.6%
104th Congress (1994-96)...48.8% -- Gingrich
115th Congress (2017-217)..28.0%




Meanwhile, back at the GOP...


 Reflect on the Rosenfeld and responsible parties:  Newt on Governing Team Day, Congressional Record, September 8, 1980, 24683
A wide range of political scientists including James McGregor Burns, Frederick Sonntag, Manning Dauer, Jack Saloma and others, have urged steps to strengthen the party system. There is a growing consensus that a weak party system leads to irresponsibility, to single issue politics and to domination by special interests. Furthermore, there is a growing belief that personality politics focused on individual candidates heightens irresponsibility and the lack of accountability
Rep. Dan Lungren (next page):
Mr. Speaker, I think the gentleman has pointed out to us the significance that we hope to establish with respect to our activities on September 15. Whatever the failings that the parliamentary systems of European democracies may have, they are superior to our more loosely knit representative system in one respect: That respect the gentleman has referred to as accountability.

When a British worker goes to cast his vote for his representatives in the House of Commons, there is little doubt in his mind as to which party to hold accountable for the current state of affairs in his country. But here in our country, where legislators are responsible for myriad constituent services; where regional, State, and ethnic identities are strong; where members of the legislative branch are not structurally tied to the Chief Executive of their own party, the accountability for the current state of affairs tends to be blurred in the minds of the citizenry.

Iron law of emulation: "From 1995 to 2006, Republicans in control of Congress took the centralizing the discipline-bolstering tactics pioneered by Democrats and dramatically expanded their use" (Rosenfeld 271).  More when we get to party in government.

Hollowness of parties (284): Weak parties and strong partisanship





Monday, February 14, 2022

Divided Government and Beyond

 For Wednesday, read Rosenfeld, ch. 8 and conclusion.

The "Welfare Shift"


Before the 1970s, tax cuts were not central to the GOP message.  In fact, Republicans opposed JFK's tax but proposal!

Oil shocks (1973 OPEC and 1979 Iran) begat inflation, which begat rising nominal property values and bracket creep, which begat Prop 13 (1978) and Kemp-Roth


"Of a sudden, the GOP has become a party of ideas."  -- Daniel Patrick Moynihan 1981



By the end of the decade, liberal calls abounded for the explicit emulation of conservative organizational innovations from the 1960s and 1970s" (Rosenfeld 248)

Democratic Social Organizing Committee (Rosenfeld 230-233) begets Democratic Socialists of America

The 1980s and the Legacy of the Reverends
The 1988 election seemed to confirm the four-party system.
But things are about to end the four-party system.

Wednesday, February 9, 2022

Vanguards and the Iron Law of Emulation

For Monday, read Rosenfeld ch. 7 and Drutman ch. 4.

The Great Reordering

New Left and the 1972 D platform: "We must restructure the social, political and economic relationships throughout the entire society in order to ensure the equitable distribution of wealth and power."

The 1972 election:  president by county






Incomplete Reordering : The 1972 election in the House

1972 House Elections in the United States.png

NIXON DID NOT REALLY GIVE A [EXPLETIVE DELETED] ABOUT CONGRESS

Carter and the New South



The third-party flirtation (Rosenfeld 188-190).

In California, the confusing legacy of the American Independent Party.

Present at the creation (Rosenfeld 190-191). Paul Weyrich, who founded Heritage and the Free Congress Foundation, spoke of the moment of inspiration in 1969, when he was a staffer for Senator Gordon Allott (R-CO).

Start at 24:20




Drives home two key points:

Other Publications and Groups
Thanks to primaries, Reagan comes very close to defeating Ford for the 1976 nomination.  The delegate count:
  • Gerald Ford........... 1,187 52.57%
  • Ronald Reagan...... 1,070 47.39%

Not photoshopped:  outgoing vp Nelson Rockefeller expresses his view of the New Right.


Carter years 

(Currently around 7 percent)


"Of a sudden, the GOP has become a party of ideas."  -- Daniel Patrick Moynihan 1981

Looking ahead to next week: "By the end of the decade, liberal calls abounded for the explicit emulation of conservative organizational innovations from the 1960s and 1970s" (Rosenfeld 248)


First Writing Assignment, Spring 2022

 Pick one:

  • Compare and contrast a Democratic or Republican platform from 1948-1964 with the same party's 2016 OR 2020 platform. (The GOP did not have one in 2020.) What do the similarities and differences tell you about how the national party has changed?  (Platform texts here.)
  • Pick any national party chair in the postwar era.  (GOP list, Democratic list).  What did this leader try to do?  How did she or he fare?  In your answer, keep in mind the resources and constraints facing this leader.  Also remember that out-party chairs usually have more flexibility than in-party chairs.
  • For people with an interest in foreign policy:  did the 1952 Taft-Eisenhower split on foreign policy foreshadow future Republican divisions?  How did Robert A. Taft both resemble and differ from supporters of the Trump administration?
  • The conclusion of the Rosenfeld book is brief.  Drawing on what we have learned since 2016, write an addendum.  That is, have we witnessed a continuation of the trends that the book describes?  Or has polarization taken new forms?  Explain.
Essays should reflect an understanding of class readings and discussions. Many resources, including CQ Weekly and Politics in America, are at Honnold Library/Databases/CQ Library. You should check other sources as well. See:

PLEASE EMAIL ME IF ANY LINKS ARE BROKEN!

The specifications:
  • Essays should be typed (12-point), double-spaced, and no more than four pages long. I will not read past the fourth page. Please submit essays as Word documents, not pdfs.
  • Cite your sources. Please use endnotes in the format of Chicago Manual of Style. Endnotes do not count against the page limit. Please do not use footnotes, which take up too much page space. 
  • Watch your spelling, grammar, diction, and punctuation. Errors will count against you. Return essays to the Sakai dropbox for this class by 11: 59 PM, Friday, February 25. I reserve the right to dock papers one gradepoint for one day’s lateness, a full letter grade after that.



Sunday, February 6, 2022

The 1960s and 1970s

For Wednesday, read Drutman, ch. 3.

FIRST FOUR-PAGE ESSAY ASSIGNED FEB 9, DUE IN SAKAI DROPBOX BY FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 25.   

READ STRUNK AND WHITE FIRST.  

AND WATCH MY WRITING LECTURE.

The "censure"



The 1960s in numbers.


Image result for vietnam casualties by year"

In 1965, LBJ got Congress to pass the Voting Rights Act.  The effect was dramatic.  In 1972, Rev. Andrew Young (D-Georgia) became the first African-American representative from the Deep South since Reconstruction.  He later said:
“It used to be Southern politics was just ‘n-----’ politics, who could ‘outn-----’ the other—then you registered 10 to 15 percent in the community and folks would start saying ‘Nigra,’ and then you get 35 to 40 percent registered and it’s amazing how quick they learned how to say ‘Nee-grow,’ and now that we’ve got 50, 60, 70 percent of the black votes registered in the South, everybody’s proud to be associated with their black brothers and sisters.”
By 1966, however, the civil rights consensus was already fraying:


Views About Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., on a -5 to +5 Scale, August 2011 and in the 1960s

Violent Crime Rate Chart

1968 Convention









McGovern-Fraser

Daley excluded in 1972 (See Rosenfeld 147)

Party regulars did not have a deep commitment to the old system (Rosenfeld 143). "Opponents of reform could not articulate a plausible argument for existing arrangements..." (144)


From Choosing Presidential Candidates



Definition of "loophole primary"

Irony:  Democratic reforms indirectly strengthened the rising conservative wing of the GOP

  • Delegate selection process gave voice to the grassroots;
  • On Capitol Hill, power shifted from committee chairs to leadership, and conservatives would gradually capture GOP leadership posts.




Wednesday, February 2, 2022

Right, Left, and Foreshocks of Polarization

For Monday, read Rosenfeld, ch. 5-6.

Thomas Wright on Taft:

There are particular echoes of Sen. Robert Taft, who unsuccessfully ran for the Republican nomination in 1940, 1948 and 1952, and was widely seen as the leader of the conservative wing of the Republican Party. Taft was a staunch isolationist and mercantilist who opposed U.S. aid for Britain before 1941. After the war, he opposed President Harry Truman’s efforts to expand trade. Despite being an anti-communist, he opposed containment of the Soviet Union, believing that the United States had few interests in Western Europe. He opposed the creation of NATO as overly provocative. Taft’s speeches are the last time a major American politician has offered a substantive and comprehensive critique of America’s alliances.

Taft opposed the Nuremberg Trials -- but supported public housing and social security. 

 Taft v. Eisenhower




Buckley, National Review and the conservative movement (Rosenfeld 76-86).
The fringe

From the "Keep America Committee" 


John Birch Society

1960

Goldwater emerges

"The Treaty of Fifth Avenue"

Nixon and JFK:  domestic policy as foreign policy




Soviets and Civil Rights  -- the Kennedy Administration sees segregation as a front in the Cold war

The Sharon Statement v. The Port Huron Statement (Rosenfeld 95-99)

Goldwater and a Claremont connection:





The politics of congressional consensus:  the 1964 Civil Rights Act

But LBJ understood that victory is fleeting:
When you win big you can have anything you want for a time. You come home with that big landslide and there isn’t a one of them [in Congress] who’ll stand in your way. No, they’ll be glad to be aboard and to have their photograph taken with you and be part of all that victory. They’ll come along and they’ll give you almost everything you want for a while and then they’ll turn on you. They always do. They’ll lay in waiting, waiting for you to make a slip and you will. They’ll give you almost everything and then they’ll make you pay for it. They’ll get tired of all those columnists writing how smart you are and how weak they are and then the pendulum will swing back. 
Dramatized here (1:30):